the task of the proletariat in our revolution

This fact was definitely established at the end of 1916 and the beginning of 1917.     The minoritaires were followers of the social-reformist Longuet; they held Centrist views and pursued a conciliatory policy towards the soclal-chauvinists. That is my first argument. Its principle is: "Our chief enemy is at home." We are loth to cast off the "dear old" soiled shirt.     To this extent the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia is completed. [45]; in Poland, Radek, Hanecki and other leaders of the Social-Democrats united under the "Regional Executive", and Rosa Luxemburg, Tyszka and other leaders of the Social-Democrats united under the "Chief Executive"[46]; in Switzerland, those of the Left who drew up the argument for the "referendum" (January 1917) in order to fight the social-chauvinists and the "Centre" in their own country and who at the Zurich Cantonal Socialist Convention, held at Töss on February 11, 1917, moved a consistently revolutionary resolution against the war; in Austria, the young Left-wing friends of Friedrich Adler, who acted partly through the Karl Marx Club in Vienna, now closed by the arch-reactionary Austrian Government, which is ruining In the field of foreign policy, which has now been brought to the forefront by objective circumstances, the new government is a government for the continuation of the imperialist war, a war that is being waged in alliance with the imperialist powers -- Britain, France, and others -- for division of the capitalist spoils and for subjugating small and weak nations. Chernov, Tsereteli and Co. have killed themselves and their parties -- the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolution aries -- politically. We must remain in Zimmerwald only for purposes of information.     page 88         The deeper the economic collapse and the crisis produced by the war, the more urgent becomes the need for the most perfect political form, which will facilitate the healing of the terrible wounds inflicted on mankind by the war.     Even the chauvinist defencists, even Plekhanov and Potresov, even Kerensky, call themselves internationalists.     [45]; in Poland, Radek, Hanecki and other leaders of the Social-Democrats united under the "Regional Executive", and Rosa Luxemburg, Tyszka and other leaders of the Social-Democrats united under the "Chief Executive"[46]; in Switzerland, those of the Left who drew up the argument for the "referendum" (January 1917) in order to fight the social-chauvinists and the "Centre" in their own country and who at the Zurich Cantonal Socialist Convention, held at Töss on February 11, 1917, moved a consistently revolutionary resolution against the war; in Austria, the young Left-wing friends of Friedrich Adler, who acted partly through the Karl Marx Club in Vienna, now closed by the arch-reactionary Austrian Government, which is ruining                 It is left for me to express the hope that the pamphlet will still be of some value because of its connection with those resolutions and because it explains them, and to deal here with two points. Petrograd, April 10, 1917 [*] I express the hope that the other half of the mistake will be speedily remedied, as soon as we convene the first international conference of Lefts (the "third trend", the "internationalists in deed", see above, pp. The war cannot be ended "at will".     Our work must be one of criticism, of explaining the mistakes of the petty-bourgeois Socialist-Revolutionary and Social-Democratic parties, of preparing and welding the elements of a consciously proletarian, Communist Party, and of curing the proletariat of the "general" petty-bourgeois intoxication. Let us not imitate those sorry Marxists of whom Marx said: "I have sown dragon's teeth and harvested fleas. joining the cabinet was an insignificant one in the form of the agreement between the Petrograd Soviet and the capitalist government, and I deliberately stressed in my pamphlet (on page 8) that "I am referring not so much to the formal agreement as to actual support"*** 55, on May 12, has, however, gone half-way towards correcting the mistake; it has been resolved that we shall walk out of Zimmerwald if they decide to confer with ministers. Let us not deceive ourselves with hopes of agreements and international congresses.                 Democracy is a form of state, whereas we Marxists are opposed to every kind of state. [p.79], formed the Left Social-Democratic Party of Sweden. Yet we are afraid of our own selves. And the arrest of Trotsky by the British Government? There is only one way to prevent the restoration of the police, and that is to create a people's militia and to fuse it with the army (the standing army to be replaced by the arming of the entire people). 17. page 89 The only way out is through a proletarian revolution. --Ed.     page 90 And what are the arguments against? . The "Centre" is for "unity", the Centre is opposed to a split. The only way out is through a proletarian revolution.     Karl Liebknecht is a most celebrated representative of this trend and of the new, and genuine, proletarian International. 14. With each passing day it is becoming clearer that Tsereteli, Chernov and Co. are nothing more than hostages to . 6. We must look forward to the emergent new democracy, which is already ceasing to be a democracy, for democracy means the domination of the people, and the armed people cannot dominate themselves.     Objectively, however, the world situation is such that the old name of our Party makes it easier to fool the people and impedes the onward march; for at every step, in every paper, in every parliamentary group, the masses see leaders, i.e., people whose voices carry farthest and whose actions are most conspicuous; yet they are all "would-be Social-Democrats", they are all "for unity" with the betrayers of socialism, with the social-chauvinists; and they are all presenting for payment the old bills issued by "Social-Democracy". The chief leader and spokesman of the "Centre" is Karl Kautsky, the most outstanding authority in the Second International (1889-1914), since August 1914 a model of utter bankruptcy as a Marxist, the embodiment of unheard-of spinelessness, and the most wretched vacillations and betrayals. But to whom much is given, of him much is required. It cannot be ended by the decision of one of the belligerents.         My fourth argument: we must reckon with the actual situation in which socialism finds itself internationally. slid down to social-pacifism), as well as the Frenchman Henri Guilbeaux, who publishes in Geneva the journal Demain ; in Britain, the newspaper The Trade Unionist, and some of the members of the British Socialist Party and of the Independent Labour Party (for instance, Russel Williams, who openly called for a break with the leaders who have betrayed socialism), the Scottish socialist school teacher MacLean, who was sentenced to hard labour by the bourgeois government of Britain for his revolutionary fight against the war, and hundreds of British socialists who are in jail for the same offence. We must demand the nationalisation of all the land, i.e., that all the land in the state should become the property of the central state power. The people have been confused, led astray and deceived by these leaders. The latter reproduce the type of state which was being evolved by the Paris Commune and which Marx described as "the political form at last discovered under which to work out the economic emancipation of labour".     page 80     We must demand the nationalisation of all the land, i.e., that all the land in the state should become the property of the central state power. Let us not deceive ourselves with hopes of agreements and international congresses. page 91 page 69 WITHIN THE SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL     But to whom much is given, of him much is required.     At the very moment when such a revolution is beginning, when it is taking its first hesitant, groping steps, steps betraying too great a confidence in the bourgeoisie, at such a moment the majority (that is the truth, that is a fact) of the "Social-Democratic" leaders, of the "Social-Democratic" parliamentarians, of the "Social-Democratic" newspapers -- and these are precisely the organs that influence the people -- have deserted socialism, have betrayed socialism and have gone over to the side of "their own" national bourgeoisie. 15.     This "Centrist" trend includes Kautsky, Haase, Ledebour and the so-called workers' or labour group[34] in the Reichstag; in France it includes Longuet, Pressemane and the so-called minoritaires[35] (Mensheviks) in general; in Britain, Philip Snowden, Ramsay MacDonald and many other leaders of the Independent Labour Party,[36] and some leaders of the British Socialist Party[37]; Morris Hillquit and many others in the United States; Turati, Trèves, Modigliani and others in Italy; Robert Grimm and others in Switzerland; Victor Adler and Co. in Austria; the party of the Organising Committee, Axelrod, Martov, Chkheidze, Tsereteli and others in Russia, and so forth. We are loth to cast off the "dear old" soiled shirt.         The term democracy is not only scientifically incorrect when applied to a Communist Party; it has now, since March 1917, simply become blinkers put on the eyes of the revolutionary people and preventing them from boldly and freely, on their own initiative, building up the new: the Soviets of Workers', Peasants', and all other Deputies, as the sole power in the "state" and as the harbinger of the "withering away" of the state in every form.

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